In short, those with access to people in government—whether through friendship, family connections, commercial links, or bribery—made out far better than those without access.

These mostly worked in artisan shops and family businesses, or on a “putting out” basis, where workers labored in their homes for a buyer rather than in factories. In some cases they were paid in “scrip” rather than cash, which had to be spent on goods sold at the tienda de raya, the landlord’s monopolistic “company store.” Corporal punishment, including whippings, was also not uncommon, but the most feared punishment was to be evicted from the hacienda entirely. During his regime, President Porfirio Díaz and his administration (1876-1880, 1884-1911) modernized Mexico’s economy and industry. Responding to demands made by Mexican and foreign bosses, the army closed down La Casa.

He challenged the mighty Díaz for the presidency, and—to nearly everyone’s surprise—he succeeded, although it required armed revolt.

For more details, see our, The dictatorship-like rule of Porfirio Diaz for over 30 years, Exploitation and poor treatment of workers.

Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress. In 1894, while Villa was a sharecropper in the Hacienda de Gogojito, Durango, a superior attempted to kidnap his fifteen-year-old sister Martinita.

The anarchist trade union leaders demanded that the workers control production, wages and prices. The Zapatista fighters wanted land. Suzanne Barbezat is a freelance writer specializing in Mexican travel, culture, and food. In 1938, he characterized the kind of regime which resulted from the Mexican revolution: "In countries which are underdeveloped industrially, foreign capital plays a major role. Leaders such as Emiliano Zapata refused to let such transformations force his villagers into starvation and began seizing land in Morelos.

Workers in Mexico were increasingly participating in the conflicts and struggles associated with mass union organization.

In the eyes of many middle-class social reformers, meanwhile, the solution was modern labor legislation—in the form of an eight-hour day, restrictions on child labor, and even the right to organize—so that Mexican capitalism, and particularly Mexican industrial capitalism, could take a step forward and avoid the destructive conflicts that were clearly on the rise. The farming of basic foods was rare, and the corn used to make tortillas, which has been part of the staple diet of the poor for thousands of years, had to be imported. It is true that along with this, there were also self-interested opportunists within the revolution. Large parts of the following article were translated from an article appearing in the March 1997 issue of Lutte de Classe, put out by the French Trotskyist organization Lutte Ouvrière (Workers' Struggle). Another good survey is In the Shadow of the Mexican Revolution: Contemporary Mexican History, 1910–1989, authored by Héctor Aguilar Camín and Lorenzo Meyer.

There were many reasons why the Porfirians in general and the científicos, administrators who believed in governing according to “scientific” principles, preferred to concentrate on economic advances. That the rich don’t pay enough taxes may also seem like an unremarkable observation, common to all capitalist economies to varying degrees.

The peasants will buy more goods and so on.

A pro-labor newspaper, El México Obrero, caustically noted that the bathrooms of the rich were more hygienic than the living quarters of workers in the capital. It was from this basis that various leaders and camps formed worldviews and political programs, upholding ideas of what was good for Mexico, or at least for some subset of Mexico. LC-DIG-ppmsc-04791, Bookmark this item: //www.loc.gov/exhibits/mexican-revolution-and-the-united-states/mexico-during-the-porfiriato.html#obj014, About | Muralist José Clemente Orozco wrote that Posada set the gears of his imagination in motion, igniting the spark of creativity.

The revolutionaries have no need of changing color, adapting themselves, and rendering flattery in the manner of the GPU school of courtiers, who in a moment of danger, will sell out and betray the weaker side.

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